Vetra: A Colombian story

Vetra Energia is a private Colombian based E&P with a sole focus on Colombia.

Its main asset is a 69.5% operated interest in the Sur Oriente block; Petroamerica is the partner on the block with 30.5% WI which it acquired through the merger with Suroco in 2014. Vetra Energia also has a 100% WI in the La Punta block and a 60% operated interest in VMM2 (40% Canacol) which contains the Mono Araña field.

In July 2013, Vetra Energia was acquired by a consortium led by ACON Investments and Capital International. The Vetra management team, along with private investors including oil & gas veteran Atul Gupta also participated in the acquisition. The Vetra management team and private investors participated through a vehicle called New VEG.

Vetra Holdings SARL was incorporated for the acquisition of Vetra Energia and is owned by the consortium members. Based on the company’s filings, the acquisition consideration is estimated to be c.USD440mm. This has largely been funded through pseudo-debt with USD265mm of Preferred Equity Certificates (“PECs”) issued to the consortium members and USD187mm of promissory notes issued to Vetra’s selling shareholders. The PECs carry no interest whereas the promissory notes carry a rate of 10% per annum.

In 2013, Vetra produced 5.6mmbbl or 15.4mbbl/d. However, latest filings with the ANH show that production had plummeted to 6mbbl/d in2014 suggesting that the consortium may have significantly overpaid for the acquisition. This view is supported by the valuation of the assets from public sources:

• Broker consensus read-through valuations of $92mm for Sur Oriente and <$1mm for the other assets
• Wood Mackenzie valuation of $63mm for Sur Oriente and <$1mm for the other assets
• Furthermore, Petroamerica recorded a write-down of $30.4mm on Sur Oriente in 2014

Sur Oriente is Vetra’s main asset and is located in the Putumayo Basin. It is owned through Consorcio Colombia Energy (“CCE”) in which Vetra holds a 69.5% interest and Petroamerica 30.5% interest. CCE holds a Crude Incremental Production Contract with Ecopetrol on Sur Oriente which entitles Ecopetrol a share of the block’s production which is determined by an R-factor. Petroamerica’s disclosure notes that Ecopetrol is entitled to 52% of production; the remaining 48% of production is shared between Vetra and Petroamerica per their interests in CCE. The block produces from three fields (Pinuna-Quillacinga, Cohembi and Quinde) and in 2014, gross production was c.14.3mbbl/d from six wells.

Production from Sur Oriente was historically trucked to the nearby Orito facilities and then exported via the Trans-Andean Pipeline (“OTA”) to the port of Tumaco on the Pacific coast where it is sold as the Colombian South Blend. In November 2014, a new export route was established for the Cohembi and Quinde fields with crude trucked to the Amazonas Station in Ecuador and transported through the Oleoducto de Crudos Pesados (“OCP”) pipeline which is expected to result in $8-10/bbl improvement in netbacks over time.

Pipeline export routes from Putumayo
Source: Petroamerica January 2015 corporate presentation

Read More

Apache's Egyptian Jewel

Apache entered Egypt in 1994 and has since built up a dominant onshore position through a series of acquisitions and an aggressive exploration campaign. It is the largest acreage holder in the Western Desert and operates 24 licences. In 2010, Apache expanded its position through the acquisition of BP’s entire Western Desert portfolio as part of a wider transaction involving BP’s North American assets. In 2013, Apache divested 33.3% of its Egyptian portfolio to Sinopec for USD3.1bn in an effort to refocus on its North American business.

Apache’s Egyptian portfolio contains c.594mmboe of 2P reserves (Wood Mackenzie) as at the end of 2014 with about half of these reserves being gas. Gas production is an important part of Apache’s business, which is a material supplier of gas to the domestic market with a 12% market share (excluding Sinopec’s interest in the portfolio). All gas is sold to EGPC.

One of the biggest concerns for Egyptian operators over the past couple of years is the receivables balance due from the EGPC. To date, EGPC have not defaulted (to Apache or any other operator); in fact, EGPC have been aggressively paying down the balance since the beginning of 2015. To manage payment default risk, Apache has insurance with USD300mm of cover from the Overseas Private Investment Corporation  and this is in place until 2024.

Egypt has been one of Apache’s success stories, where production and cash flow have grown strongly with each USD1mm of investment generating USD2mm. This has be driven by strong and consistent exploration success – success rate has averaged above 80%. The company holds a large acreage position with 72% still undeveloped which will provide significant opportunities for the future.

Historical production

Cash flow growth

Read More

Pricing Kenyan crude

The price a crude fetches is typically against a benchmark such as Brent, WTI or Urals and the underlying crude marketing agreement will detail the calculation of the premium or discount to such a benchmark as well as other adjustments. As Kenyan crude has never been marketed before, there is no established pricing for Lokichar crude – however, a hypothetical value can be calculated. One of the key determinants of crude pricing is crude quality with the heaviness (API gravity) and sourness (sulphur content) often being a point of focus.

The heaviness of a crude is measured in °API and is a measurement of how heavy or light a crude is compared to water. Crude with an above 10°API is lighter than and will therefore float on water (i.e. is less dense). Heavier crude oils have longer hydrocarbon chain lengths and are generally less desirable as it is more difficult to convert them into more useful petroleum products. Light crude oil is defined as having an API gravity of greater than 31.1° API and a heavy crude oil has an API gravity of below 22.3° API.

The sourness of a crude is a measure of the level of sulphur by weight. Crude with less than 0.5% sulphur is considered sweet and above this level is sour. Sour crude is less desirable as the sulphur is a corrosive material and requires more processing; there are also increasingly strict limits on the sulphur content of gasoline and other petroleum products.

Amosing well testshave flowed oil between 31° to 38° API and is therefore considered a light oil; sulphur content is generally less than 0.1%. Based on test results to date, Lokichar crude is relatively high quality and should fetch pricing broadly in line with Brent (see bubble chart).

Other determinants of crude oil pricing are:

• Location - the total cost to a buyer is the wellhead price plus the cost of transportation and freight which will be benchmarked against other sources of supply
• Logistics – for long haul crudes, larger parcels tend to command a premium as per unit freight costs are lower; this also requires the loading and destination ports to be able handle larger vessels as well as having sufficient storage facilities
• Destination – refineries have different configurations in that they are setup to process different kinds of crudes. Not all refineries require light, sweet crudes and some are built to handle heavier crudes and will desire certain crude blends over others 

Refiners pay particular attention to the crude assay, or the chemical composition of the crude – this goes beyond looking at the API gravity and sulphur content mentioned above. For example, the pour point, wax content, level of other impurities are important considerations and depending on the refinery product slate, the refinery yields are also key (this refers to the relative proportion of the different hydrocarbon chain lengths in the oil). BP’s assay for Brent is shown below.

Read More

Battle of the routes

Significant resources have been discovered in East Africa with 1.7bnbbl lying in Uganda and 600mmbbl in Kenya. The key barrier to monetising the vast amounts of oil is an export pipeline. In 2010, when Tullow acquired Heritage’s acreage, first oil was envisaged for 2016. Over the last five years, this timing has slowly crept back with estimates now pushed back to late-2019 despite government PR continuing to promote first oil in 2016-17.

There remains a significant risk that the timeline will be delayed further as the regional governments have yet to decide on a route. There are currently two routes under consideration, a Northern Route and a Southern Route. The governments’ preference is for a Northern Route which aligns with a wider regional plan for the development of a trade corridor from South Sudan through to the Port of Lamu in Kenya. In 2010, the LAPSSET (Lamu-South Sudan-Ethiopia) study was commissioned to explore a road and railway path as part of this plan, which also considered a concurrent pipeline as part of the development. In 2014, the Northern Route for a pipeline was further advanced with the governments engaging Toyota to select the actual path for the Northern Route and to carry out pre-FEED – this work is expected to be completed in May 2015.

The upstream partners have commissioned their own study into a Southern Route, which is to run parallel to the existing Mombasa-Eldoret products pipeline. Whilst this will utilise existing rights of way and road networks which will aid accessibility and construction, the higher population density along this route vs. the Northern Route could pose its own challenges.

To date, the governments’ focus remains on the Northern Route and they have given little consideration to the alternative Southern Route. The upstream partners continue to lobby the governments on the Southern Route which is seen as logistically less challenging. However, political impetus may override any economic and logistical considerations in choosing the final route, and until one is chosen, Uganda and Kenya’s discovered resources remain stranded.

Read More

Gran Tierra's little pain

Gran Tierra is a TSX and NYSE listed E&P with a focus on Colombia. Its main assets are the Costayaco and Moqueta fields in the Putumayo Basin which accounted for 88% of the company’s Colombian NAR production of 18.4mboe/d in 2014. The company also has an exploration portfolio in Brazil (supported by minimal production of 900bbl/d NAR in 2014) and Peru. In March 2015, Gran Tierra announced that it was suspending development operations on the Bretana field in Peru following disappointing drilling results at the end of 2015; all reserves related to the development have now been re-categorised as contingent resources. Exploration activities are expected to continue in the Peru with outstanding commitments of USD160mm over the next three years.

Although the company’s flagship assets are performing strongly, there are two unwelcome pieces of information buried in the company’s 10-K filing – there is an overriding royalty on the Putumayo blocks and a legal claim filed by the ANH against Gran Tierra over royalties.

Gran Tierra entered Colombia in 2006 through the acquisition of Argosy Energy’s assets in the country (Santana, Guayuyaco, Chaza and Azar blocks). Gran Tierra increased its interests in certain assets through the subsequent acquisition of Solana Resources, most importantly, taking the interest in the Chaza block from 50% to 100% in 2008. The original interests in 2006 are subject to a third party overriding royalty under an agreement entered into between Gran Tierra and Crosby Capital in June 2006. The agreement also allows for Crosby Capital to convert its royalty into a net profit interest (“NPI”) in certain circumstances. As at the end of 2014, the following arrangements were in place with Crosby Capital:

·         10% NPI on the originally acquired 50% WI in the Costayaco and Moqueta fields which lie in the Chaza block

·         35% NPI on the 35% WI in the Juanambu field in the Guayuyaco block

·         Various overriding royalty on production in the Santana block and Guayuyaco field in the Guayuyaco block

The ANH has also filed a claim against Gran Tierra in relation to the HPR royalty. This is a royalty which is paid on top of normal royalties and is triggered when the oil sale price exceeds c.USD37/bbl and cumulative production from an exploitation area exceeds 5mmbbl. The HPR royalty affects Gran Tierra’s Costayaco and Moqueta fields which are separate exploitation areas, but lie within the same block (Chaza).

Given the two fields, Costayaco and Moqueta, are separate exploitation areas (with the company further emphasising that they are separate hydrocarbon accumulations), Gran Tierra is currently only paying the HPR royalty on the Moqueta field which has recovered in excess of 5mmbbl to date. As at the end of 2014, recovery on Costayaco had reached 4.2mmbbl and therefore Gran Tierra has not yet commenced the payment of HPR royalty on this field.

The ANH have taken a different interpretation of the Chaza contract and view that the 5mmbbl threshold should be applied to aggregate cumulative production across all exploitation contracts within the Chaza block, meaning that Costayaco would also be subject to the HPR royalty. The ANH has challenged Gran Tierra’s position with a claim of USD64mm in respect of Costayaco HPR royalties. Gran Tierra and its legal advisers do not view that the ANH claim will be successful and the company has not made a provision in its accounts for this potential liability.

Read More

Oil price contingent payment: Bridging the valuation gap in an uncertain oil price environment

In the current oil price environment, buyer-seller alignment on valuation is likely to be an issue with differences driven by view on the oil price outlook. A number of transactions have stalled or been pulled over the last year. One possible way to bridge this gap is to have a contingent consideration element that is contingent on the recovery of the oil price; the seller benefits from recovery in the oil price if it believes a recovery is forthcoming and the buyer can base upfront payment on a lower price deck and avoid overpaying in the event oil prices do not recover.

Contingent consideration based on the oil price has not been common given Brent has been relatively stable in the ~$100/bbl range in the past few years. Seplat, in its acquisition of Chevron’s assets in Nigeria, is the only recent example of a buyer which has adopted such a payment structure. When structuring such a mechanism, close attention should be paid to a number of key elements:

• Amount: Based on the valuation difference under the two oil price decks, subject to negotiation
• Trigger: Trigger needs to be defined clearly (e.g. oil price refers to realised price or Brent) and responsibilities for monitoring the trigger and notification of the counterparty needs to be set out. In the case of the Seplat transaction, the trigger was oil prices averaging USD90/bbl or above for 12 consecutive months
• Long stop date: Period needs to be sufficiently long and in a timeframe where oil price could realistically recover. A longer period is generally more favourable for the seller and less favourable for the buyer as it gives more time for the trigger to be satisfied. Seplat and Chevron agreed a period of five years in the recent transaction

Seplat / Chevron Transaction Overview

On 5 February 2015, Seplat announced the completion of the acquisition of a 40% WI in OML 53 and 22.5% WI in OML 55 onshore Nigeria from Chevron. Seplat paid USD387mm upfront with a USD39mm (9% of the total potential consideration) contingent payment on oil prices averaging USD90/bbl or above for 12 consecutive months over the next five years.

OML 53 contains the Jisike oil field which produces at 2,000bbl/d (gross). The block also contains the undeveloped Ohaji South gas and condensate field which could utilise the existing facilities which have capacity of 12,000bbl/d and 8mmcf/d; total net resources of 151mmboe.

OML 55 is located in the swamp to shallow water areas of the Niger Delta and contains five producing fields; current gross production of 8,000bbl/d; total net resources of 46mmboe with further oil and gas potential identified on the block.

The transaction fits with Seplat’s strategy of securing, commercialising and monetising natural gas in the Niger Delta with a view to supplying the rapidly growing domestic market. For Chevron, it reduces exposure to the Nigerian onshore which has been affected by bunkering in recent years and further refocuses its portfolio towards North America and the Gulf of Mexico.

Read More

Iran interim agreement: the Minotaur's labyrinth

In the story of the Minotaur, Daedalus was tasked with building a labyrinth under the order of King Minos of Crete to imprison the dreaded creature. The Minotaur, part man part bull, was an unnatural being. He was created when Pasiphae, King Minos’ wife mated with the bull sent by Poseidon; this was made possible by the wooden cow crafted by Daedalus into which Pasiphae climbed into. The Iran framework agreement, is in some respects like the labyrinth – an artificial solution to a man-made problem. As the tale goes, only a great Athenian hero (Theseus) is needed to finally slay the Minotaur.

On 2 April 2015, the P5+1 and Iran had agreed to the framework agreement against all odds. The details of the agreement were also more granular than had been expected by the international community. Initial expectations were that high level terms would be agreed by the end of March deadline, with the finer details to be thrashed out over the following months ahead of the ultimate 30 June deadline. Reaching a nuclear deal with Iran has been a desire for the US for decades, and following lengthy negotiations, it appears that things are now moving in the right direction. Iran has also been more willing to come to the table following years of sanctions which have crippled its economy.

The main elements of this interim deal are:

• Centrifuges: Reduce the number of centrifuges from 19,000 to around 6,000
• Enrichment: To no more than 3.37% for at least 15 years
• Stockpile: 10,000kg stockpile to be reduced to 300kg
• Facilities:
• Fordow to be converted for research purposes with no enrichment
• Enrichment only allowed at Natanz which will house 5,060 first generation centrifuges
• Arak to be redesigned as a heavy water research facility with no plutonium production capabilities
• Monitoring: IAEA to monitor supply, usage and sale of nuclear technology with inspections to last for up to 25 years

In return, sanctions on Iran will be suspended upon IAEA certification of compliance with the final terms of the deal. Any breach of the terms will result in immediate reinstatement of sanctions. However, cracks are already in sight with Iran declaring that there will be no deal unless sanctions are lifted immediately upon conclusion of the deal. Also, in the latest twist of events, the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee voted unanimously (19-0) on 15 April in support of legislations that would give Congress authority to approve any final deal thus undermining the President’s authority to conduct foreign policy with Iran.

Read More

Victoria Oil & Gas: Cameroon's emerging integrated utility

Victoria Oil & Gas is an AIM listed E&P with a 60% WI in the Logbaba field, Cameroon and an associated infrastructure network that supplies gas to the local market. The company acquired its interest in the Logbaba field in 2008 and drilled its first appraisal well (La-105) on the block in 2009, the first onshore well since the 1950s. First production commenced in 2012 with the roll-out of a distribution pipeline network in 2013 Victoria Oil & Gas is now transitioning away from a pure-play E&P to an integrated energy supplier in Cameroon. The next stage of the company’s strategy is to grow its gas-to-power business which supplies gas for power generation by industrial customers and also to the gas grid which feeds into regional power plants. The company also has a 100% WI in the West Medvezhye field in Russia with 2C resources of c.14.4mmboe; this asset is non-core and the company continues to seek options around a partial or full exit.

The Logbaba gas field is located in the Douala Basin, in the eastern suburb of Douala, Cameroon’s largest city. Victoria Oil & Gas has a 60% WI with the remaining 40% held by Grynberg Petroleum. Gross 2P reserves are estimated at 210bcf of gas plus 3.4mmbbl of condensates. Seismic data suggests there may be a larger reservoir c.4km north of Logbaba that could provide future upside. Production is currently from two wells La-105 and -106 which were drilled between 2009 and 2010, and is tied back to 40mmcf/d gas processing facilities that include a gas and condensate separator. These facilities are currently c.20% utilised. The gas is supplied through the company’s pipeline network to customers in the nearby Magzi industrial area and condensates are trucked to other parts of the country.

Victoria Oil & Gas operates its utility business in Cameroon through a wholly owned subsidiary, Gaz du Cameroun (“GDC”), which supplies gas and condensates to the local market. GDC commenced construction of a gas pipeline network in 2013 in Douala to enable the supply of gas to the region’s industrial customers. In 2014, GDC extended the pipeline across the Wouri River, opening up a new market; the pipeline network now extends over 25km. Gas is supplied for industrial processes and power generation. Gas for thermal use is sold at $16/mmbtu for the first 5 years of a 20 year supply contract with the price renegotiated at the end of the 5th year. Gas for power generation is sold at c.$12/mmbtu under a 10 year take-or-pay contract. In December 2014, GDC agreed the initial supply of gas to the domestic grid for power generation at $9/mmbtu. The company is currently evaluating the feasibility of supplying compressed natural gas which would allow the sale of gas outside of Douala by road; this could remove the capital requirements of establishing a pipeline distribution network.

Read More

Suppressing the Brotherhood: Avoiding a Repeat of History

On 4 July 2013, the Egyptian military removed President Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood from power after four days of intense street protests. General Sisi, the Egyptian defence minister at the time, quickly took the helm and announced the change in government in a televised address to fireworks and cheering crowds across the country. The US, UN and EU were reluctant to describe the ousting as a coup, although all voiced concerns about the situation.

Almost two years on, it is worth revisiting the above event and explore the context behind it in light of the current Houthi conflict in Yemen. Despite the lack of a label as a coup, it is widely accepted that Morsi's removal was an organised affair with Saudi Arabia (and the UAE) pulling strings in the background.

The Gulf States remember well the Nasser regime in Egypt where he toppled the monarchy in 1952 and then attempted to export the revolution throughout the Arab world, promoting nationalism as alternatives to the system of ruling monarchs in the Gulf. Between 1950 and 1970 the monarchies of Iraq, Yemen and Libya fell and in 1969, there was a failed attempt to overthrow the establishment in Saudi Arabia. In fact, Saudi Arabia was in the midst of a proxy war against Egypt in Yemen between 1962 and 1970 where the Saudis backed the return of Imamate rule (following their ousting in the republican revolution of 1962) and Egypt backed the revolutionaries.

It is against this backdrop that Saudi Arabia views the Muslim Brotherhood: an organised political movement that poses a threat to the remaining monarchies in the Gulf. Saudi Arabia made clear that it would welcome Morsi's ouster and a few days after the event actually happened, Saudi Arabia together with the UAE and Kuwait provided millions of dollars in financial aid to help "repair Egypt". This backing clearly demonstrates the Gulf States' support for the new regime in Cairo.

In Saudi Arabia, the Brotherhood is now designated as a terrorist organisation and any support to the group will result in imprisonment. In the UAE, a crackdown has effectively ended the Brotherhood'sactivities in Abu Dhabi and Dubai. Kuwait still has a Brotherhood presence, but is converting its stance to anti-Brotherhood.

Qatar remains a spanner in the works which continues to provided financial and political support to the Brotherhood. To show its disapproval, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Kuwait withdrew their ambassadors from Doha in March 2014 in a move designed to force Qatar to reconsider its loyalties. However, whether Qatar will submit to its neighbours' desires remains to be seen as it continues to strive to be the premier Gulf State over Saudi Arabia.

Read More

Gulf of Aden: Dire Straits

The Gulf of Aden is a strategically important shipping route linking the Mediterranean Sea and the Indian Ocean. The port city of Aden controls the Bab al-Mandab strait, the gateway between the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden through which 21,000 ships pass through each year. According to the EIA, 3.8mmbbl/d of crude oil and refined products passed through this route in 2013 alone.

The capture of Aden by the Houthis on 25 March 2015 was therefore a huge concern to the international community, with the US, Saudi Arabian and Egyptian navies stepping up its forces in the region. At the beginning of April, the Chinese were reported to be diverting vessels to the region as well.

At first glance, the involvement of Egypt is unexpected. Egypt had learned not to meddle in foreign affairs after its previous military intervention in Yemen in the 1960s led to the death of 26,000 Egyptian soldiers. Back then, Egypt's President Nasser saw that Yemen was going through what Egypt went through a decade earlier - a revolution against the monarchy, followed by what would be an installation of a republic. Nasser, a champion of pan-Arabism, lent his support to the Yemini republicans. However, what was expected to be a swift war turned into "Egypt's Vietnam" that lasted almost a decade.

One of Egypt's key sources of income is now at risk. The Suez Canal contributed over USD5 billion in tariffs in 2013 to Cairo's coffers, now under threat, means Egypt can no longer turn a blind eye to the developments in Yemen. More importantly for Egypt, its participation in Operation Decisive Storm, allows it to demonstrate its loyalty to the Gulf States which have contributed over USD20 billion of aid in funds and oil products to an ailing Egypt since the ousting of Mubarak in 2011.

However, it would be wise to remember that the Saudis and Egyptians were once on opposite sides of the battlefield in Yemen. The Egyptians had backed the republicans in the 1960s civil way, whereas the Saudis lent their support to the ruling Imam monarchy. Saudi Arabia's policy how not changed though - it and its Gulf allies understandably view the protection of the status quo a priority, i.e. protection from any threat against the ruling monarchies. In the 1960s, it was against Nasser's spread of revolutionary ideology. Since 2011, it has actively worked behind the scenes to undermine the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, a moderate religious political group which the Saudi's saw could garner popular support in the Gulf if left unchecked. In 2015, the Iranian backed Houthi movement on the Saudi border is the next, and possibly not the last, challenge to the Gulf ruling system.

Read More

Saleh: Enemies become allies

The Houthi movement was founded in the 1990s to revive a branch of Shia Islam known as Zaidism. Historically the Zaidis had ruled over North Yemen until their toppling in 1962 during the Yemen Civil War. Since then, they have been increasingly marginalised by the new regime which viewed Zaidism as a threat.

In the beginning, the Houthi movement was peaceful. It sought a voice in a regime where it was being opressed. It called for a partnership with President Saleh to work things out and not for his overthrow. However, the Houthis also saw the United States as an enemy of Islam and President Saleh’s alliance with the US on the “War on Terror” shaped the events that followed.

President Saleh was seen by the Houthis as a traitor; the Houthis were vocal in pushing for his ousting. In response, President Saleh stepped up efforts to repress the movement, including attacks on Houthi villages. The movement became increasingly military in order to defend itself with six wars being waged upon them by the Saleh Government between 2004 and 2010. The wars led to massive deaths in the Sadaa region, the stronghold of the Houthis, and had the effect of alienating much of the Northern Yemeni population.

The Arab Spring came at an opportune time for the Houthis who capitalised on the Yemeni’s discontent with the government and lack of progress on the economic and security fronts; the Houthis openly supported the protests against President Saleh. Following the removal of President Saleh, the Houthis stepped up as a candidate to fill the power vacuum and vowed to set up its own political party to participate in the country’s next elections. Support for the Houthis grew, although its appeal was probably less to do with its ideology and more of a common hatred against Saleh’s repressive regime.

The Houthis realised that in order to be heard and to make an impact, it would have to do so through the political arena which would legitimise the movement. However, it is now becoming evident that its extension into politics is part of a grander plan to gain governing and military dominance. Three years after the Arab Spring, Yemen’s interim government headed by President Hadi, had yet to make any noticeable improvements to the country. The Houthis saw this as the time to act and in 2014, launched an aggressive military campaign in the north of Yemen culminating in the capture of the capital Sanaa in September 2014. Government departments and the airport were seized and President Hadi was placed under house arrest. The capture of Sanaa was months, if not years in the planning. By mid 2014, the Houthi’s had already surrounded the capital and its final move into the city was executed at lightening speed.

The Houthi’s could not have achieved all this without military support. In a twist of events, this support is coming from ex-President Saleh, who once upon a time, aggressively tried to crush the Houthis during his reign. Saleh’s loyal followers, including those in the country’s army and security services have aided the advance of the Houthis, or in some cases actively chose not to protect against their advances. The Houthi alliance with Saleh is a strange one, but one that has allowed the former to widen and strengthen its grip and the latter to orchestrate the destruction of the new regime and the Hadi government, an act of revenge against those who overthrew him.  How long this alliance lasts, only time will tell, but probably for no longer than one needs the other.

Read More

Yemen: The Islamic Chessboard

Houthi take Sana (check), 

Saudi airstrike,

Next move...

Since the start of the year, the Houthis have risen to fame in the drama that is the Middle East. There was little media coverage of the group previously due to their modest beginnings, but also the difficulty of doing serious investigative journalism in Yemen (due to safety and security). However, the increasing threat of the Houthis is now taking centre stage and the international community is paying more attention.

Yemen: The Islamic Chessboard is a series examining the rise of the Houthis and the conflict in Yemen. For now, Yemen appears to be the battle ground in the continuing fight between the Shias and the Sunnis.

Read More

Tullow in the middle

The fight for oil is nothing new – ownership of oil commands tremendous wealth. Countries fight over the black stuff in wars, and perhaps less barbarically nowadays across a table. Individuals go after it in the hope of getting rich, as evidenced by the large number of independents that have popped up in the past couple of decades.

Read More

Iran negotiations: the US conundrum

The intensifying rift between President Obama and Congress poses a risk that could derail the Iranian nuclear talks.

Republican Bob Corker, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, has sponsored the Iran Nuclear Negotiations Act of 2014 which calls for the President to submit any Iranian deal to Congress for approval. The bill would remove the President’s current authority to waive any sanctions imposed by the legislature. In short, Congress will have the final vote on any deal with Iran.

The Foreign Relations Committee will vote on the bill on 26 March and if approved, would move to a vote in the Senate. Should it progress beyond the Senate, Obama retains the right to veto the bill, however, given the Republican majority and signs of Democrat support for the bill’s measures, the bill could become veto proof.

The passing of such a bill would more than throw a spanner in the works and could seriously scupper the negotiations as well as reverse the progress made to date. It would raise further questions around President Obama’s authority in international negotiations which have already been partly undermined by the Republican letter to Iran on 9 March.

A scenario that could play out, should the bill be implemented, is the blaming of the US by the international community on the breakdown of the nuclear negotiations (should it occur). The US would no longer be seen as a reliable and trustworthy partner which would make it difficult for the US to garner future support for additional sanctions against Iran.

Read More

Afren - A Shakespearen Tragedy

The story of Afren has the makings of a Shakespearean tragedy. The protagonist is one of the largest and most successful international E&P companies. Its fall from grace is swift as a corruption scandal unfolds and the company falls victim to fate - the fall in oil price drowns the company in debt. There is a slither of hope towards the end as Seplat steps in with an offer to save the company, but all is lost when the merger talks are terminated. Afren meets its downfall when the creditors circle in, taking away whatever dignity is left as the company lies in a helpless and weakened state. The proposed restructuring by the bondholders leaves existing shareholders massively diluted who are left with just 11% of their original holding.

This series chronicles the rise and fall of Afren, our flawed hero, with a share price high of 170p at the beginning of 2014 which falls to 5p at its demise.

Read More

Iran framework agreement - Kerry makes the rounds with the P5+1 and Gulf States

Over the past few weeks, John Kerry has been busy meeting with his P5+1 counterparts and members of the Gulf States in the run up to the 31 March 2015 deadline for the framework agreement on the Iranian nuclear programme.

Read More

Iran negotiation: an untimely letter

On 9 March 2015, Republican senators issued an open letter to Iran that essentially warned the latter any deal entered into with President Obama would be considered an "executive agreement" that would require Congress ratification and more importantly, could be revoked by the next president.

The message it clearly sends out is that the US could back out of any agreed nuclear deal, raising serious doubts on whether the US will keep up its side of any bargain, including the lifting of sanctions. The letter was drafted by freshman Republican Senator Tom Cotton and signed by 46 other Republican senators. The timing of the letter is a major blow to the framework agreement which is due to be made by the end of March.

Hilary Clinton has denounced the letter saying that "these senators were trying to be helpful to the Iranians or
harmful to the commander-in-chief in the midst of high-stakes international diplomacy", while John Kerry called it "absolutely calculated...and unthought-out". Even Iran's foreign minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif, found the move by the select Republicans distasteful.

Cotton defended the letter and said that Obama is "negotiating a deal that is going to put Iran on a path to a
bomb". This in itself is a weak argument as the lack of action by the international community could also see Iran ramping up its enrichment programme and further developing nuclear capabilities. Whilst Iran could argue in future that any slight slip up by the US as reneging on an agreement, it is likely that this would be one of a myriad of excuses that they could use.

It is also worth scrutinising the letter further.

1. The letter suggests that a "mere executive agreement" holds little sway in terms of power, yet it is worth remembering that the withdrawal of US forces from Iraq was by such executive agreement and not a treaty.
2. It is also untrue to say that "future Congresses could modify the terms of the agreement at any time" - Congress cannot renegotiate such an agreement, but can pass legislation to contradict it and therefore nullify its terms.
3. Also, the claim that the next president "could revoke the agreement" neglects the fact that the agreement will become binding international law through a UN Security Council resolution.

The letter muddies the water at a bad time (or a good time as some may say) as the negotiations intensify over the next few weeks. Although the damage to the negotiations and to President Obama's authority can be contained, it further chips away at the delicate pillars which have supported the efforts of the P5+1 which have progressed the discussions with Iran to the point they are at today.

Read More

Saudi Arabia - joining the dots: Part 6 - Emergency meeting

Saudi Arabia - joining the dots is a series of blog entries exploring Saudi Arabia's role in the oil markets with a brief look at the history of the royal family and politics that dictate and influence the Kingdom's oil policy.

Part 6 - Emergency meeting

OPEC's traditional strategy has been to cut production to maintain prices, but recent behaviour of the cartel or at least that of its largest member (and swing producer) shows a marked deviation from the strategy.

Saudi Arabia has been a key driver of the protect market share strategy, convincing other OPEC members that a period of low prices would cut US supply and therefore restore the supply-demand dynamics of the market. However, Al-Naimi's stance of keeping to this strategy "even if prices hit USD20 a barrel" (December 2014) has scared the other OPEC members, who do not have the deep pockets to keep their countries afloat.

Nine months into the oil price decline, many of the members are feeling the pressure with fiscal reserves running low. Saudi Arabia and its Gulf neighbours are the exception with their vast monetary reserves, but with large social spending programmes, these countries are now running deficits and chipping away at those reserves.

Discussions between the various OPEC members on the next course of action are ongoing with the next meeting scheduled for June 2015. However, in February 2015, Ms Alison-Madueke, president of OPEC said in an interview with the FT that if the oil price "slips any further, it is highly likely that I will have to call an extraordinary meeting of OPEC in the next six weeks or so". Extraordinary meetings have to be agreed upon by all 12 members.

Ms Alison-Madueke also admitted that "When you cede market share continuously, you drive yourself into oblivion...many OPEC members are going to suffer greatly from a a drastic fall in the price". There-in lies the dilemma - the OPEC members' problem lies in the deeply rooted dependence on oil revenues and large social programmes; cutting production risks further loss of oil revenue, while maintaining production keeps the oil price low...and no-one wants to be first mover. Huge structural reforms are needed but these will not be easy, especially in the aftermath of the Arab Spring and will likely take many decades to achieve.

Read More

Saudi Arabia - joining the dots: Part 5 - Breakeven, OPEC's downfall

Saudi Arabia - joining the dots is a series of blog entries exploring Saudi Arabia's role in the oil markets with a brief look at the history of the royal family and politics that dictate and influence the Kingdom's oil policy.

Part 5 - Breakeven, OPEC's downfall

The above chart, taken from the Wall Street Journal, paints a grim picture.  It shows the oil price required by the various OPEC members to meet their budgets. As of 10 October 2014, Brent was at USD90/bbl; today it is at USD62/bbl. All the OPEC countries are in the red, and some are in a worse position to handle this low oil price environment than others.

Saudi Arabia, for now, will be able to survive. Others are crying in pain - Venezuela, Iran and as of late, Nigeria as it enters into a period of elections with campaigns funded by oil money and the corrupt paid off with oil money. As an interesting aside, Iran (a Shiite power) blames its neighbour and rival, the Sunni Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for using the oil prices as a political weapon and keeping prices low by refusing to cut production.

After years of high oil prices, Saudi Arabia has managed to amass over USD750bn in reserves. However, it also has a large social programme and a high youth unemployment rate; keeping its citizens content and off the street has been in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. Following the ousting of Egypt's Hosni Mubarak, King Abdullah implemented $130bn in new social programmes including unemployment payments, housing and scholarships for Saudi's to study abroad. 

Most worryingly, Saudi Arabia tends to outspend its budget and the Kingdom will need to run a deficit in a USD50-60/bbl oil price environment.

Saudi Arabia has issued a record budget of USD229bn for 2015, with a 5% deficit forecast. The split is as follows: 25% education, 19% health and social, 7% transport and infrastructure, 7% water and agriculture, 5% municipal and 36% "other priorities". Other priorities is largely composed of military spend, which is of increasing importance with the ongoing ISIS conflict in the region.

Al-Naimi's policy has been to defend market share, to the annoyance of King Salman, at the expense of allowing oil prices to fall. However, with oil prices at their current low levels, Saudi Arabia is chipping away at its massive monetary reserves with an over-inflated and hard to cut back spending programme. This policy (or Al-Naimi) may need to be changed in the absence of an oil price rebound in 2015.

Read More

Saudi Arabia - joining the dots: Part 4 - The price wars, defending market share

Saudi Arabia - joining the dots is a series of blog entries exploring Saudi Arabia's role in the oil markets with a brief look at the history of the royal family and politics that dictate and influence the Kingdom's oil policy.

Part 4 - The price wars, defending market share

The sudden fall in the oil price in the middle of 2014 and the subsequent lack of response by OPEC is a stark reminder of its members' policy of defending market share, although the cartel may openly deny it .

Forgotten in recent years and beyond recollection for those who are still young, the 1980s was the last time Saudi Arabia demonstrated its significant power in the oil markets in its efforts to defend market share. In hindsight, one questions whether Saudi emerged victorious from that war and whether it was worth fighting.

In the early 1980s, oil prices fell to record lows after hitting highs in the 1970s. Consumers (namely the US) vowed to reduce reliance of on oil given the high prices and actively implemented policy to switch to substitute energy sources, such as coal for power generation. 

In an effort to shore up oil prices caused by falling demand, Saudi urged its fellow OPEC members to cut production. Saudi cut its own production by c.80% to 3.5mmbbl/d, but many of the other members refused to follow suit. Saudi was furious as by taking action, it had lost out on revenue and market share. In retaliation to the non-compliers, Saudi ramped up production to full capacity and flooded the market with crude. The excess production caused oil prices to slump to c.USD7/bbl and it was another 20 years, before oil price began to recover to pre 1980 levels.

That part of history continues to haunt Saudi today and one can see its remnants in Saudi's stern policy of maintaining production, communicated to the world in that all important OPEC meeting on 27 November 2014.

Luckily for Saudi, and other OPEC members, its low cost of production (<USD20/bbl) means that production remains profitable even at USD50/bbl oil price. The current price war will see much production around the world being choked with high cost North American unconventionals and mature North Sea production being hurt.

Whether Saudi still holds (or wishes to hold) its nominated role of swing producer is a key question to ask. For now, it still has the ability to retrench production, but its low cost production base will mean it can withstand lower oil prices for longer whereas its non-OPEC counterparts will fall over one-by-one unless prices rebound in the near future.

Read More

Saudi Arabia - joining the dots: Part 3 - The reshuffling has begun

Saudi Arabia - joining the dots is a series of blog entries exploring Saudi Arabia's role in the oil markets with a brief look at the history of the royal family and politics that dictate and influence the Kingdom's oil policy.

Part 3 - The reshuffling has begun

Ali al-Niami's job remains safe...for now

In a further move which signals King Salman's tightening grip over the Kingdom's affairs since coming to power,  Salman promoted his son Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman from the position of Assistant Minister for Petroleum Affairs to Deputy Oil Minister at the end of January 2015.

The move, although unexpected, should not be seen as a surprise given Salman's desire to place members of the Sadairi branch of the family into key positions.

Ali al-Niami's post as Oil Minister remains safe for now but his power in dictating Saudi oil policy, arguably the one of the most important roles in the Kingdom, is quickly diminishing. The re-shuffling is also symbolically important as it could be the first in a number of moves by Salman to sideline al-Niami and his policy of defending Saudi market share and letting oil prices fall to USD50/bbl - a policy which does not sit well with factions within the Saudi governing circle.

Read More

Natuna Sea Block A PSC ("NSBA")

• KUFPEC (33.33%), PMO (28.67%*), Petronas (15%), Pertamina (11.5%), PTTEP (11.5%)
• Pertamina and PTTEP acquired their stakes as part of Hess' Indonesian portfolio
• NSBA supplies gas to SembGas in Singapore, together with South Natuna Sea Block B and Kakap, as part of a GSA signed in 1999 for a period of 22 years
• In 2008, PMO signed two additional GSAs to supply NSBA gas for power generation in Batam, Indonesia
• Due to delay in constructing the pipeline to Batam, a swap agreement has been signed for the Batam earmarked gas to be supplied to Singapore and another field to supply Batam instead
• The largest field on the block is Anoa which contains about half of the PSC's gas reserves. Gas from Anoa, Pelikan, Bison and Gajah Puteri are dedicated to the SembGas 1 GSA
• SembGas 2 is predominantly supplied by Gajah Baru which was developed as a second phase of NSBA
• Crude is piped by an 8" pipeline to the Anoa Natuna FPSO for processing and storage
• Gas is exported via the West Natuna Transportation System (operated by COP) and serves the three Natuna PSCs (NSBA, South Natuna Block B and Kakap)
• The network consists of 656km of pipeline, with a 470km section transporting the gas to Singapore
• A pipeline connecting the system to Batam is also planned but is the responsibility of the buyers of the gas
• The pipeline costs are recoverable under the PSCs

Read More

Aasta Hansteen Area

• Located in Norwegian Sea; Aasta Hansteen discovered in 1997 but remained undeveloped due to the remoteness
• Area includes Snefrid Sør and Haklang, both discovered in 2008
• Statoil (75%*), OMV (15%), COP (10%)
• Area thought to contain >2.4 GIIP, estimated recoery c.66%
• PDO submitted in January 2013 and received approval in April 2013
• Development will utilise subsea wells tied back to SPAR platform
• Power supply expected to be generated on platform due to high cost and difficulty of supplying electricity from shore (distance)
• First production expected in Q3 2017
• Aasta Hansteen will be first deepwater development in Voring Basin; facilities expected to be used by other fields and discoveries in area
• Gas will be exported by new 480km pipeline (Polarled pipeline) from SPAR to Nyhamna gas terminal; condensate will be offloaded from the SPAR
• Standalone economics are marginal, due to remoteness of area
• Tie-backs will improve economics (tariff income)
• Attractiveness of area surrounding Aasta Hansteen demonstrated by high take-up of licences in recent licensing rounds
• Polarled pipeline will draw further investment and exploration
• Government announced changes to fiscal regime in May 2013 - PDO submitted prior to announced change so should be eligible for transitional terms (7.5% capital uplift vs. 5.5%)

Read More

Saudi Arabia - joining the dots: Part 2 - Scandal

Saudi Arabia - joining the dots is a series of blog entries exploring Saudi Arabia's role in the oil markets with a brief look at the history of the royal family and politics that dictate and influence the Kingdom's oil policy.

Part 2 - Scandal



In 2006, the then King Abdullah created the Allegiance Council in 2006 to help select future rulers. In March 2014, Prince Muqrin was appointed by Abdullah to be the next in line after Salman, placing Muqrin to be the third in line to the throne at the time. Prince Muqrin has now been elevated to second in line following the death of Abdullah. 

However, the appointment of Muqrin was not an unanimous decision by the Allegiance Council. It was in fact, somewhat of a surprise given Muqrin's mother is of Yemeni origin and not of Saudi Arabia. It is believed that Muqrin was selected by Abdullah as he was the most likely to continue Abdullah's domestic reform policy, which he was unable to fully devote his time to when he became King.

Since King Salman's crowning, Salman has appointed his nephew Prince Mohammed Bin Nayef to the post of Second deputy Premier, the post also held by Muqrin. This essentially places Salman's nephew to be next in line to the throne, potentially undermining Muqrin's rise. Furthermore, it is now unknown whether Salman will demolish the Allegiance Council altogether.

Muqrin

vs

Bin Nayef

Read More

Saudi Arabia - joining the dots: Part 1 - The return of the Sudairis

Saudi Arabia - joining the dots is a series of blog entries exploring Saudi Arabia's role in the oil markets with a brief look at the history of the royal family and politics that dictate and influence the Kingdom's oil policy.

Part 1 - The return of the Sudairis

On Friday 23^rd January 2015, King Abdullah passed away paving the way for the Sudairi branch of the Royal Family to consolidate power and strengthen its grip over the country. 

Read More